Duty I
Michael A. Gillette, Ph.D.
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As I sit down to write this article our government is
presently shut down while the White House and the
Congress wrangle over how to balance the federal budget.
This shutdown is predicted to continue through the
weekend, and I hope that by the time this newsletter is
read the entire event will be only a distant memory.
Still, in the midst of this situation, I can't help but
think of the broader ethical and medical-ethical
implications of the whole affair. My philosophical
concern rests with fundamental questions: Even if we
assume the most extreme version of libertarian
philosophy (that government should be as unintrusive in
the lives of citizens as possible), can we avoid a moral
responsibility to provide governmental services to those
in need? How far does this moral responsibility take us?
It seems clear that as a society we are committed to
the idea that we care about what happens to the
inhabitants of this country. While one party argues that
government is fundamentally a necessary evil and that we
will all benefit if we had as little of it as possible,
others argue that we are dependent upon government for
much of what we desire and that a large but lean
government is desirable. I wonder now: where do the
clients served by mental health and mental retardation
facilities fit into the equation?
From an ethical perspective the entire problem would be
solved if we decided that we just don't care about people
who are unable to care for themselves. Or, more
realistically, that caring is matter of personal choice.
Individuals care and may spend their money as they wish in
helping others, but it is no business of the government to
require, through taxation, that everyone care.
If this is an acceptable political philosophy then we
could slash budgets to all state run facilities without
remorse. But I believe that people on both sides of the
political fence do care about their fellow human beings
and disagree only on how best to fulfill the function that
our social arrangements are meant to satisfy. In fact, it
seems that even if we grant the most libertarian of
philosophical views, a caring government is still a moral
imperative.
To begin the discussion from the libertarian view let
me quickly review the position articulated in the early
chapters of an important book by Robert Nozick entitled
Anarchy State and Utopia. In that book Nozick attempts
to determine what level of government is morally
justifiable. He begins by imagining a situation in which
no government exists at all, and asks what level of
political organization it would be rational for any person
to desire.
The first and most obvious reason that people would
band together into a state of civil society is for
protection. There is safety in numbers, and it is rational
for individuals to create what Nozick calls "protective
associations". These groups settle differences of opinion
between group members and protect group members from
attack by outsiders. It soon becomes clear, however, that
multiple protective associations spring up, and that
disputes between protective associations require rational
solution. Either one association becomes dominant by means
of superior strength, or all the associations voluntarily
agree to create an umbrella association to solve
disagreements. In either event, a single protective
association comes into existence. This single power forms
the rudiments of government. It provides an army, police
force, judges and jailers. But that level of government,
often referred to as a "night watchman state", is not
sufficient.
Some of the strongest people will not agree to enter
the protective association. They are willing to take their
chances in the untamed state of nature. Do we have any
ethical reason to force them into our state? The answer,
according to Nozick, is yes. If our rules do not apply to
the outsiders, then we will always fear their attack.
After an unjust attack, our protective association will
come to our aid and demand retribution for the wrong done,
but that does not satisfy us. We want protection in
advance, so we insist that the outsiders be stripped of
their freedom to settle their own disputes according to
their own ways of thinking. We require that if an outsider
has a complaint against one of us, he must follow our laws
and prove in our courts that his claim is valid. In
effect, we force the outsiders to become insiders.
This forcible inclusion in society disadvantages the
would-be outsiders. They have lost a fundamental freedom
and are thus harmed. Since we have forced a harm on these
people, it is up to us to compensate them. Since we have
forced them to give up their ability to protect themselves
by use of their own strength, we must provide protection
for them. Even if they cannot afford to pay for protective
services, since we have limited their ability to protect
themselves, we must pay for their protection.
The point of this argument is that even if we begin
with the most libertarian view, we cannot avoid
recognizing that there are situations in which the rich
must subsidize the poor. There are functions that only a
government can provide, and for which we all must pay.
How does this relate to health care ethics? In facing
an individual with mental retardation or mental illness
one might argue from a libertarian perspective "I didn't
make you ill. Your developmental disability is not my
fault. Why should I have to pay for your care?" But the
answer is clear. We have created a society in which an
individual with developmental disabilities or mental
illness cannot function effectively on his or her own. We
could have made social living simpler or safer, but in
order to maintain our standard of living we have made the
social environment complex. Furthermore, we do not allow
people who are disruptive to live among us. We place
limitations on the freedom of such individuals for our own
good, and now that we have caused a disadvantage, it is
our responsibility to compensate for the harm caused.
The answer to my present query is that although we may
not have caused the illness, we have turned the illness
into a clear disadvantage. Since we have done that, we
cannot avoid the responsibility to care. Some social
programs cannot, ethically, be cut. Having made that
point, I will leave the details to the politicians.
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